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Economic theory predicts that when the costs of quitting one's job are relatively low, mobility is more likely. This observation underlines the analysis of the rise in quit rates during periods of prosperity, and the effects of mobility costs can be seen when looking at residential location and job turnover. Industries with high concentrations of employment in urban areas, where a worker's change of employer does not necessarily require investing in a change of residence, appear to have higher rates of job turnover than industries concentrated in nonmetropolitan areas do. Beyond the costs that can be associated with such measurable characteristics as age and residential location are those that are psychic in nature. These latter costs, though unobservable to the researcher, are very likely to differ widely across individuals. Some people adapt more quickly to new surroundings than others do, for example. Recent studies have found considerable heterogeneity among workers in their propensity to change jobs, with one study reporting that almost half of all permanent separations that took place over a three-year period involved a small number (13 percent) of workers who had three or more separations during the period (in contrast, 31 percent of workers had no separations at all during the period). It is also possible that the costs of job changing by employees vary internationally. Data suggest that workers in the United States may well be more likely to change employers than workers elsewhere may be. Indeed, data confirm that, on average, American workers have been with their current employers fewer years than workers in most other developed countries, particularly workers in Europe and Japan, have been with theirs. It is not known why Americans are more mobile than most others are, but one possibility relates to the lower levels of company training received by American workers. Another possibility, however, is that the costs of mobility are lower in the United States (despite the fact that Japan and Europe are more densely populated and hence more urban). What would create these lower costs? One hypothesis that has received at least some investigation is that housing policies in Europe and Japan increase the costs of residential, and therefore job, mobility, Germany, the United Kingdom, and Japan, for example, have controls on the rent increases that proprietors can charge to existing renters while tending to allow proprietors the freedom to negotiates any mutually agreeable rent on their initial lease with the renter. Thus, it is argued that renters who move typically face very large rent increases in these countries. Similarly, subsidized housing is much more common in these countries than in the United States, but since it is limited relative to the demand for it, those British, German, or Japanese workers fortunate enough to live in subsidized units are reluctant (it is argued) to give them up. The empirical evidence on the implications of housing policy for job mobility, however, is both limited and mixed. It could also be hypothesized that the United States, Australia, and Canada, all of which exhibit shorter job tenures than do most European countries or Japan, are large, sparsely populated countries that historically have attracted people willing to emigrate from abroad or resettle internally over long distances. In a country of "movers," moving may not be seen by either worker or employer as an unusual or especially traumatic event. While questions remain about the causes of different job mobility rates across countries, the social desirability of job mobility can also be debated. On one hand, mobility can be seen as socially useful because it promotes both individual well-being and the quality of job matches. Moreover, the greater the number of workers and employers "in the market" at any given time, the more flexibility an economy has in making job matches that best adapt to a changing environment. Indeed, when focusing on this aspect of job mobility, economists have long worried whether economies have enough mobility. On the other hand, lower mobility costs (and therefore greater mobility) among workers may well serve to reduce the incentives of their employers to provide job training. Whether the presence of job changing costs is a social boon or bane, these costs and the mobility associated with them are factors with which all employers must contend.